Neither a Rightist nor a Leftist Be
By Crispin Sartwell
One traditional task of
philosophy is to examine the conceptual underpinnings of other areas of
inquiry: for logical consistency, for example, or in relation to various
aspects of intellectual history. A particularly urgent case is provided by the
basic way we define political positions: the left-right spectrum.
I think that the arrangement of
positions along this axis - progressive to reactionary, or conservative to
liberal, or socialist to capitalist, or for that matter Democrat to Republican
- is conceptually confused and historically contingent. Let's take a few
minutes to think about the left-right spectrum rather
than from it.
It can seem permanent and
inevitable. But this taxonomy arose at earliest immediately before and during
the French Revolution, in the late 18th century, with figures such as Rousseau
and Burke. It only crystallized fully with the emergence of Marxism in the
middle of the 19th century. Before that, or elsewhere than in the West, there
have been many intellectual structures for defining and arranging political
positions. There are likely to be many others after the left-right spectrum
dissolves.
.
One way people talk about left and
right is in terms of time: progressives want time to continue to move forward
or even want to accelerate it, taking us into a future bright with promise,
while conservatives want time to stand still or even run backward to a golden
age. Either approach appears to depend on a conception of time on which it is
extremely malleable, its pace and direction depending on the outcome of the
next election.
I think that is incompatible with any
plausible conception of time in metaphysics or in ordinary experience. No one
needs to help make sure that time keeps moving forward and, proverbially, no
one can stand in its way. Sarah Palin and Rafael Correa, Ayman al-Zawahiri and
Beyonce, the 'stone-age' Suruwaha people of the Amazon and the prime-time hosts
of MSNBC: they overlap in time, all moving temporally in the same direction at
the same rate, contemporaneously. Among other moments, they all exist precisely
right now.
Another way that the left-right
spectrum is conceived is as state against capital. This is central to
contemporary American politics, as Democrats urge that government makes many
positive contributions to our lives, while Republicans argue that it is a
barrier to the prosperity created by free markets. On the outer ends we
might identify Chairman Mao against Ayn Rand: state communism against
laissez-faire capitalism.
Much of the left wants to constrain
the power of capital by increasing the power of the state, while many on the
right want to reduce the power of the state in order to unleash the power of
capital. Putting it mildly, the assumption of both groups that state and
capital, or political power and wealth, are opposed forces, or can be pitted
against one another, is not historically supported. As a matter of historical
fact, political hierarchies and economic hierarchies tend to coincide. Beefing
up one almost always beefs up the other.
We might consider, for example, the
relation of the NSA to Booz Allen or to Google, or the relation of
Goldman-Sachs to the Department of the Treasury, or Halliburton to Defense, or
regulators to the corporations they regulate. In many ways, the distinction
between state and corporation in the U.S. is notional.
As Leo Panitch and Sam Gindin argue
in their recent book The Making of Global Capitalism, capitalism
arises together with the modern state, and each is inconceivable without the
other. From the East India Companies to the robber barons to neo-liberalism,
capitalism has depended on the state to project force; subdue, train, and
control populations; and curtail competition.
Communism of the variety
practiced in Maoist China or the Soviet Union only represented a slightly
different and even more extreme merger of state and capital, placing both
squarely in the hands of party bureaucrats who lived in luxury and had at their
disposal an abject population. Marx prescribed placing banking, transportation,
and communication into the hands of the state, an evidently unpromising
direction in which to pursue human equality. Contemporary China, the EU,
the United States, and the Islamic Republic of Iran are all intensifying and
increasingly sophisticated mergers of polity and economy.
One way to see the incoherence of
the left is to focus on one of its basic values: equality. The means proposed
by the left to increase economic equality almost always increase political
inequality, because these means consist of larger state programs: that is, of
more resources and rules, coercion and surveillance in the hands of officials
or state contractors, including in welfare-type programs. But wealth flows
toward power, and vice versa, and it is plausible, I believe, to argue that
ever-more pervasive state power has coincided with ever-more extreme and
chronic structural inequalities of resources.
The right runs into similar problems
with the concept of liberty. Right-wingers' commitment to individual rights is
often baldly incompatible with their enthusiasm for the security state or
opposition to gay marriage or marijuana legalization. Probably, both left and
right were invented by the people who became 'the left'. But 'the right' has
encompassed an extraordinary range of positions, from fundamentalism to fascism
to libertarianism. These positions are at least as incompatible with one
another as any of them is with American liberalism, for example.
Indeed, we might think of all the
positions that fall comfortably anywhere on the left-right scale as a single
ideology, because they all in practice prescribe extremely pervasive
hierarchies, and hierarchies tend to coincide. We tend to oscillate between an
emphasis on state and corporate hierarchies, while the overwhelming fact is
that they are not distinct; the thing grows ever larger.
If this criticism
can even be meaningfully articulated, then the left-right spectrum should not
be uncritically pre-supposed as a neutral or factual way of characterizing
political positions. It needs to be established. People who find impossible the
task I suggested earlier - thinking about it rather than from it -
accept it as a sheer irrational dogma.
Left and right are arrangements in
practical politics, and many political parties in many parts of the world
understand themselves as falling along that spectrum somewhere. But as a
framework or taxonomy of political positions, or for the purposes of, say,
research in political science, it has got to be optional. You've got to keep
open the possibility that it is a flawed or tendentious paradigm or could be
replaced with a better explanatory framework. If not, then you are yourself
embroiled in the ideologies that you're supposed, in political science or
political philosophy, to be trying to understand; you are inquiring in a circle.
As a first move, I'd suggest
replacing left and right with up and down. We might usefully think about political
positions in terms of whether they seek to constitute political/economic
inequalities or to dismantle them.
Crispin Sartwell teaches in the political science department
at Dickinson College in Carlisle, PA. His most recent book is Political
Aesthetics.
Recent Comments